BBC Hindi changes stations

BBC Hindi is undergoing a major policy shift and it will not be good news for those tuning into its short wave radio service. The media giant has decided to close down its last remaining state bureaus in Lucknow, Patna, Mumbai, Raipur and Hyderabad, thus imperiling its regional coverage. Industry observers interpret the move as a preliminary exercise to shut down the short wave service by March 2014, the deadline to meet 16 per cent budget cut of BBC World Service. While BBC Hindi's editor Nidheesh Tyagi claims there is no “imminent” threat to the short wave transmission, the shift in focus to digital media, offering both audio and visual content, indicate signal disruption, if no dead end yet, for shortwave transmission.

The end of short wave?

Since FM radio is not yet open for news broadcast by private players in India, BBC's short wave service remains the only independent source of information for a large mass of the population having little or no access to Internet and private TV channels. In 2007, there were 19.1 million listeners of BBC shortwave service which fell to 11 million by 2010 and are now unofficially estimated at 8.5 million. Despite the declining numbers, mostly from urban areas, the coverage is significant and continues to form the largest language audience of the BBC World Service after English.

But now the closing down of state bureaus will confine the whole staff to Delhi with major focus on the BBC Hindi website. BBC is also looking at online and mobile options to make the radio content reach its audiences digitally besides reaching out to worldwide Hindi audience. Such a shift in focus will inevitably target a smaller population segment of urban, more technically advanced audience which ironically has access to multiple sources of information. Tyagi, however, believes that across India,  the number of internet users is now more than the people who use short wave radios. “If you look at the forecasts for digital media, you notice that robust growth is already under way in tier 2/3 cities, where the first language is not English. It is important we make BBC Hindi available to those audiences too, and we are making a good progress here,” he said in an e-mail reply.  

“Keeping up with the times” was also the motto adopted by Voice of America and German broadcaster Deutshe Welle when they put an end to their Hindi in 2008 and 2011 respectively. However, more than the wish to take content to the new segment, it’s the necessity to reduce costs that is pushing hands of broadcasters.

In case of BBC World Service, it will cease to receive grant-in-aid from the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office from April 2014 onwards and will instead be largely dependent on the annual licence fee collected from the British residents owning TV sets. A six-year freeze on hike in licence fee has made matters worse. Starting 2011, BBC closed down several language services, made job cuts, replaced permanent full-time employments with short-term contract-based tenures and shifted focus from radio to “future mediums” including online, television and mobile.

Starting 2011 when transmission in seven languages, including Russian and Mandarin, was announced. In 2012, English short wave service was reduced, from between 7 and 19 hours a day depending on the region, to six hours per day, Arabic short wave service in the Middle East except Sudan was closed, Arabic and English medium wave services were reduced in the Middle East and a short wave transmitting station was shut down in Cyprus. On the other hand, "Future media, transmission and distribution" was the only sector in which BBC World Service registered a rise in operating expenditure from 2010-11 to 2011-12.

This was done with the argument that short wave listeners have declined while there is growth in audiences on TV and digital media. However, this policy shift does not bode well with countries like India. The Foreign Affairs Committee of the British Parliament recognised this fact in its December 2012 meeting with Peter Horrocks, the BBC Global News Director.  “We believe that the World Service must continue to take into account significant audiences in certain parts of the world, such as rural India and Africa, who currently rely on short-wave radio,” it said while noting that cost per user figures for radio broadcasts were highly cost-effective in comparison to those for TV or online mediums. Horrocks also admitted that financial pressures had occasionally forced the World Service's hand, pushing it to make changes sooner than might have been ideal.

The BBC Hindi service was earlier scheduled to close down in 2011 along with five other language transmissions but was given a reprieve by the foreign Parliament's committee citing India's emergence as a rising economic power and need to improve bilateral relations with the country on priority basis. Mark Tully, whose name is synonymous with BBC in India, led a campaign against closure of the Hindi service in 2011. Talking to The Hoot, he says a large segment of listeners will still be affected if BBC decides to curtail or completely close down short wave transmission.

Short wave service, though costlier to maintain, offers more editorial independence as it cannot be intercepted and clamped down on through censorship, unlike internet and FM. In fact, BBC recently got into an ugly spat in Sri Lanka with the state-owned broadcasting corporation which repeatedly censored its FM retransmission related to the UN Human Rights Council's session on war crimes in the island nation.

On to future media

Though news and current affairs programmes are not allowed on FM, BBC has partnerships with private FM networks for broadcast of its magazine programmes on their platforms. It is also producing a weekly television programme, Global India, which is broadcasted by ETV. For the last one year, BBC has been further developing the online offer, including on mobile. However, Tyagi says this does not mean radio is being ignored. “We have launched a new morning radio programme on short wave, 'Namaskar Bharat'. All three platforms are important as our audience is increasingly seeking news across radio, TV, digital and mobile,” he said adding that BBC would consider other opportunities if news were to be an option on FM. 

“We will continue to play on our strengths, high quality journalism and an ability to reach audiences on a range of platforms. We can bring the whole range of the BBC’s journalism from across the globe including stories as diverse as Brazil and India competing on beef exports, and the impact of IPL on county cricket in England. We also provide original stories in Science, Technology, Health and Environment from around the world,” Tyagi said. However, the fact is that it’s the credible coverage of domestic rather than international events that earned BBC its loyal audience. Starting from wars with China and Pakistan, Bangladesh Liberation War to The Emergency years, Operation Blue Star, Indira Gandhi's assassination (BBC broke the story) and anti-Sikh riots, the radio service offered unbiased coverage unlike the state-controlled All India Radio. And things have hardly changed.

“It is widely projected that India today has a free and fair media which represents the interests of most countrymen. However, as evident, the urban-centric mainstream media is not free from influence of the market and politics and hardly represents the rural masses. This is why a credible and easily accessible information source like BBC short wave service with its in-depth coverage is as much needed today as it was in the past,” says Naleen Kumar, a former BBC staffer.

Glorious past to uncertain future

It was on May 11, 1940, that the first Hindi transmission of BBC crackled to life after Winston Churchill became the Prime Minister of Britain. Named as the BBC Hindustani Service, it was targeted mainly at soldiers from the subcontinent who were serving the British war effort in the second World War. The Hindustani service was partitioned with the country in 1947 and the Hindi Service was relaunched in January 1949. Former Prime Minister Inder Kumar Gujral also tried his broadcasting skills in the Hindi Service during the 1950s. 

In mid-90s, BBC Hindi started increasing its footprint in India with a full-fledged office in Delhi and a correspondent in several Indian states. These one-man bureaus were also the eyes and ears on the ground for the BBC World Service English which had no state correspondent of its own. However, things started changing when in 2009, the  Chandigarh and Ahmedabad bureaus were shut down while Srinagar, Kolkata, Jammu, Jaipur, Bhopal were closed in 2011. On this issue Tyagi said: “BBC Hindi is changing the base of its regional correspondents so that we can make more effective India wide deployments for all our output and we are also developing a nationwide stringer network.” However, skeptics believe this will impact the coverage from regions which also have maximum listeners of BBC Hindi.

The job cuts

The main reason for closing down of regional bureaus is seen by old timers as a step to replace full-time permanent positions with short-tenure employees attuned to digital media. The corporation recently advertised for post of multimedia producer with one-year contract.

According to sources, the present five regional correspondents were asked to shift to Delhi or face termination of services. While Mumbai and Raipur correspondents concurred, others refused transfer on the same pay scale citing significant difference between living costs of the national capital and their present stations. The corporation also denied them redundancy benefit on the pretext that it was not closing down positions but offering transfer.

After a round of negotiations, the correspondents have now been offered 15 days salary per year of service as compensation, which is half of what the BBC's redundancy policy provides. Tyagi, however, stressed that BBC is a responsible employer and will treat any staff not transferring location in an “appropriate manner”. 

This story first appeared on The Hoot

Deconstructing "change"

Every other day, a new mail drops into the inbox asking you to 'change the world' by signing a petition. It can be as serious an issue as seeking justice for an acid attack victim or as trivial as asking Justin Bieber to have a live concert in India. For an increasing number of urban Indians bred on concepts of equality and justice but frustrated by trappings of age-old power hierarchies of this country, the idea is promising. You don't need to be a kurta-wearing social activist sitting on dharnas or a donor writing cheques to fund campaigns. Just filling in your name, email Id and postal code would do.

Petitioning around social campaigns has been in practice for decades but never has its impact been more pronounced than today when a call to 'stop rape' can gather 59,000 signatures in just 24 hours (On last count, the petition had 6.64 lakh signatures). For every signature, the decision makers get an email (many petitions also request the supporters to call the officials) thus ensuring constant pressure on them to act.

Two government school teachers in Jharkhand get paid after four years, five asphalt factories in Rajasthan shut down for causing air pollution, a discriminatory temple ritual is banned in Karnataka...the list goes on about the impact online petitions have made, though not singularly.

Online petitioning picked up pace in India after 2011 when Change.org, the world's largest e-petition platform, started its operations here. Today, it has close to 6 lakh users with 600-800 petitions started every month, up from 11-15 petitions two years ago. Worldwide, it has operations in 18 countries and boasts of 35 million users.

Change.org also scores over other online platforms because of its support team, which helps build a communication strategy around selected petitions. In India, a small five-member team sends emails to users, talks to the media and suggests ways to engage with decision makers around campaigns which are bound to get popular support like the anti-rape petition started in wake of the Delhi gang-rape. The team works on 14-16 campaigns a week.

Everyone's invited

One palpable difference online platforms have made in the field of campaigning is democratisation of the petitioning tool. Anybody can mobilise support for a cause they strongly feel about. Namita Bhandare, who started the anti-rape petition, had never participated in protest marches or candlelight vigils. She wrote the petition just to give vent to her anger and feeling of helplessness after the Delhi gang-rape. “At first, I questioned myself what would a petition do. In fact, now I realise that the recommendations we made in the petition were very basic and the Justice Verma Commission went much beyond as it factored in marital rape, action against armed forces and redefined sexual assault. However, filing that petition was cathartic for me. The tool lends power to the people who were earlier completely dependent on media or NGOs to mobilise support,” she says.

However, critics believe that e-petition promotes slacktivism or armchair activism which is also the reason it is so successful. It gives “false power” to those who feel helpless in face of problems they can't control and prevents many of the supporters from participating in on-ground action. Preethi Herman, Campaigns Director at change.org laughs off such criticism. “We tend to assume that people just sign petitions. Online platform is the first point of engagement. They make telephone calls to decision makers, participate in offline events and help spread the word further. You can't equate mobilisation with activism as it's more about developing a larger support base for your cause. Most of the supporters are not activists but they do want a change,” she says.

Bhandare agrees: “ E-petition does sensitise one to the cause. You can't just start a petition on rape and go to a cocktail party. I am sure many of the signatories to my petition also joined the on-ground protests.”

Change.org also collaborates with Video Volunteers and CGNet Swara, the two grassroots-level organisations which use video and audio media to highlight issues in rural India. “It was important for us to adapt to Indian conditions where Internet penetration is still very low. We work with Video Volunteers and CGNet Swara to identify issues in their areas which could be promoted online and hence bridge the gap between rural and urban population,” Herman says.

Tania Devaiah, the impacts manager at Video Volunteers, confirms that getting numbers behind a cause through online petition lends an institutional approach to the campaign. “Constant flow of emails and phone calls does build pressure on decision makers in comparison to a single approach of making and screening of videos. We pick up issues for online campaigns where either it's difficult to make the authorities act or the cause has a universal appeal,” she adds. The next frontier change.org wants to conquer is to make the platform available in Hindi and adapt it to mobile phones.

The loopholes

Change.org believes that to get the desired impact, online petitions should be supported by on ground action, exposure in local media and interactions with decision makers. However, in many cases, the offline or on-ground mobilisation may be completely missing, thus putting a question mark on sustainability of the impact generated. For instance, a petition by Video Volunteers against a discriminatory practice in a Rajasthan village where a traditional practice of Dalit women carrying their footwear in their hands while crossing the houses of upper caste families garnered 5,480 signatures.

Acting on the petition, the District Collector along with other officials held a meeting in the village apprising them of the law banning caste discrimination and ordered that the practice be disallowed. However, the villagers did not even know that there was a campaign running on this issue and unknown people were playing their saviours over the Internet. The impact has been that the Dalits are now much more scared to talk about the discrimination, as mentioned by this report in Times of India. Herman refutes this claim, saying that the correspondent of Video Volunteers had mobilised Dalit women against this practice and villagers might be scared of talking to the media due to local power equations. However, independent inquiries made by The Hoot confirm that the action taken by the officials was solely on the basis of the online petition and there was no local campaign against the practice.

Verification of facts reported in the petition is another sore point. Though some petitions do carry images and videos related to the issue, there are chances that you might end up supporting a wrong cause. For instance, an incident in Hyderabad got two separate petitions running on the website. Girl college students coming out of a pub after a farewell party were accused by the regional news channels of creating nuisance at a public place and depicted as uncultured while the students blamed the media of moral policing and wrongful depiction. The chances are you may end up signing one of these petitions without getting to know the other side. Herman says since numerous petitions are created daily, it's not possible to substantiate the facts presented in each of them but whenever the Change team works on and pushes a petition, the facts are verified in detail.

Values shortchanged?

Change.org claims to be a corporation using the power of business for social good. It made revenue by allowing sponsored petitions from progressive groups willing to shell out dollars to promote their campaigns. The concept has helped the company generate enough profit to make its functioning self-sustaining.

However, something changed in October last year when a leaked internal document revealed how the organisation was replacing its value-based advertising policy to an ‘open’ approach allowing even conservatives and corporates to use its resources. This invited widespread criticism from the progressive community which felt that the vast user database it helped build through the years was being sold to the opposition camp.

On the other hand, as underscored by Isaac Luria of Groundswell, organisations running social campaigns don't get a full contact list of their supporters whom they could later invite to attend meetings, join local groups, or donate. “Of course, I could have bought the names that signed the petition on Change.org for around $500,000 or about $2 per name if I had the foresight before the campaign was launched or had the money,” he adds.

Change's founder Ben Rattray responded to the criticism by arguing that the organisation “cannot maintain an open platform and simultaneously block all ads that don't fit a particular political view” and ads from controversial groups would only be accepted if the platform has users interested in their work. He also emphasised that an open advertiser policy was essential to avoid being “regularly forced into unsustainable positions.”

However, not everybody was impressed with these clarifications. Kamayani Bali Mahabal, an online campaigner who has initiated a petition asking Rattray to come out clean, says the definition of openness pushed by Change.org is not in consonance with progressive principles. “I used to laugh at some of the inane petitions like the ones promoting homophobia or anti-abortion, as I was sure change.org will not give any support and the petition will die its own death. But with the new policy, anyone is eligible to advertise. So, after I sign a petition for human rights, I might find a link to a sponsored petition on giving legal recognition to khap panchayats,” she says.

Mahabal has now been trying other online platforms but is not happy with their technical support. For the time being, she is using her own blog to mobilise online support and is hopeful that Indian activists will have their own independent platform soon.

Meanwhile, as they say, every change is accompanied by discomforts. The question is how well can we deal with these.

Official recognition Online petitioning is officially recognised in the US where the right to petition your government is guaranteed by the First Amendment of the United States Constitution. The White House hosts an online platform 'We the People' where any petition which gets 1,00,000 signatures within 30 days elicits a government response. The threshold before January 2013 was 25,000 signatures and one of the petitions which got the White House speaking was seeking 'genocide' status for the 1984 Sikh riots in India. The petition had more than 30,000 signatures.

This story first appeared on The Hoot

Missing the masses

On January 1, the Indian government announced roll out of its ambitious cash transfer scheme  in 20 districts of the country based on unique identification (UID), also called Aadhaar. The media, while presenting the pros and cons of cash transfer, also mentioned that not all the beneficiaries of various welfare schemes are enrolled under Aadhaar. However, in all its coverage of UID, most of the media seems to have forgotten the segment for which UID was actually meant.

“The UID project is really for the huge number of people who are outside the system. For the poor, this is a huge benefit because they have no identity, no birth certificates, degree certificates, driver’s licence, passport, no address,” Nandan Nilekani, the chairman of Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), had said at starting of the project. However, media has largely ignored this segment to focus on those already covered by the social security net and now going to be the beneficaries of direct cash transfer.

Involving collection of biometric information of the residents, UID has been called the 'biggest social project on the planet' which lends identity to millions of those living on fringes of the society without a fixed adddress and hence denied any benefits. Homeless people, migrants and nomadic tribes form a chunk of this section. Nandan Nilekani had put the figure of people outside the system at 700 million. And he also had no plans to cover them.

Being called a 'number that walks with you', UID not only differs from other identity documents in its portability feature but also due to the 'introducer concept'. Introducers are the people authorised by the UID registrars (government departments and agencies) to introduce those without any residence or/and identity proof to submit. They include elected members, members of local administration bodies, postmen, influencers such as teachers and doctors, Anganwadi/ASHA workers and representative of local NGOs. However, most of those without a fixed address have no easy access to even these people who are supposed to enrol only those known to them.

Moreover, according to UIDAI's own admission, the 'introducer' concept has not been fully implemented in the country. “Most of the Registrars have been focussed on document-based enrolments,' says a report 'Social Inclusion and Aadhaar' released on April 30, 2012. For instance, only 10-15 per cent of the 45 million UIDs issued in Andhra Pradesh, one of the states with maximum UID enrolments, belong to people below poverty line. More of document-based enrolment will be recorded as various states and UTs make UID compulsory for availing services like driving licence, marriage registration, salary for government employees, pensions and scholarships besides claiming subsidies in food, cooking gas and housing. As is evident, most of these services are not availed or do not cover the identity-less.

The UIDAI report also praises Delhi's 'Mission Convergence' which has covered over 3,000 homeless till now with help of NGOs running night shelters. However, it's still a tall order considering there are between 56,000 to 1.6 lakh homeless in the city according to various estimates and not all of them can be contacted through NGOs. 

UID as a concept is difficult to explain to anybody, leave alone the marginalised, as the number by itself does not confer any rights, not even citizenship. Unlike the UID number, the entitlements, like PDS, are not yet portable meaning a homeless migrant from Bihar given UID in Delhi can't lay claim to subsidised ration provided by the local government because he is still not acknowledged as its own. One of the concrete benefits is a zero balance bank account given to those enrolled in Delhi to help them secure their earnings. Though an extensive media coverage was given to 'Mission Convergence' when Delhi's Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit gave away the UID cards to homeless just before the Commonwealth Games in 2010, not much has been done in the name of follow ups.

The questioning from media is also needed because it has been building up the case for UID for the disadvantaged. In 'Nandan Nilekani’s new deal' published on September 22, 2010, HT's then editor-at-large Samar Halarnkar. says: “The need for Aadhar is undeniable and urgent...Proving identity is an insurmountable task for millions of Indians, particularly migrants, poor farmers and landless labour, who comprise most of the 400 million people who live below the global poverty line of $1.25 a day. These are people who often lose their history the moment they step out of their villages, cut adrift from the extensive social security schemes on which India will spend Rs. 1.18 lakh crore this year.”

M K Venu, the Managing Editor of 'The Financial Express', analysed the concept of liberty and state dependence in his write up, 'A unique liberal dilemma' published on September 24, 2010 “It must be clearly recognised that the emerging structure of India’s economy is an unique one where 45-50 per cent of those incrementally gaining employment are self-employed. These self-employed citizens are largely poor and are considerably mobile in seeking work. The UID programme will particularly cater to some of these emerging structural realities of India’s political economy,”  he said.

A story 'Aadhaar offers hope for better jobs' published on June 3, 2010, The Mint, talked about how having a valid identity through UID can ensure better wages and working conditions to migrants who mostly rely on word-of-mouth and personal contacts to get a job “something that increases the risk of exploitation.” 

In another article, 'A unique number for every Indian' published in Hindustan Times on December 30, 2010, Samar Halarnkar underscored the difficulties in covering this group: "To be truly revolutionary, the UID must work in real time, providing instant confirmation of identity to that tribal from Jharkhand who migrates to Delhi and the homeless man in Visakhapatnam who lives below a mango tree and so cannot register for a ration card.” However, now as UID goes forward with full momentum, the media seems to have forgotten this segment.

Some stories did touch upon the 'Introducer' concept but they focussed more on the secondary functionality aspect rather than the people. A story 'NGO's shelters shut after it pointed out UID flaws' published in Times of India on July 4, 2011, had views of one of the NGOs involved in UID process. The story focussed on how the NGO stopped conducting enrolments at its shelters because there was no clarity on its liability in case the information provided by homeless turns out to be false. This point was also raised in 'Enrolment saga', published in November 2011 issue of Frontline magazine. The write up by law and poverty expert, Usha Ramanathan, goes on to raise the issue of errors in data collection and the difficulty faced by NGOs in delivering Aadhaar cards to those enrolled because of moving nature of this community.

Deccan Herald also had a story 'Homeless people wait for months for their Aadhar cards' on January 12, 2013, which focussed on how delay in delivery of Aadhaar cards is leading to difficulties in locating some of those enrolled. In its story, 'Delhiites rush to get UID as govt makes it a must' published on January 3, 2012, Hindustan Times focussed on the rush at the enrolment centres after UID became compulsory for various government schemes in Delhi. It very briefly talks about a Jehangirpuri slum dweller, who was turned away for not having the requisite documents. The coverage was fairly inadequate as it did not mention if she had the documents but was not carrying them along or she was one of many who don't have any proofs.

To its credit, UID is the most ambitious India has ever seen. On paper, it is far more inclusive than other identity documents as it has multiple options to enroll 'unidentfied masses' and this should be celebrated. However, to monitor how well this provision is being implemented on the ground is also a job of the media which it can't afford to ignore.

This story first appeared on The Hoot

On the knees to nature

The famous rat temple near Bikaner is just one of the several instances of a conservation practice common to Rajasthan

VISIT MATA Karni Devi Temple at Deshnoke village near Bikaner and you won't be surprised by the rats scurrying freely in the shrine's precincts. Travel shows, including those on Discovery and National Geographic channels, have already covered the uniqueness extensively. The rodents, regarded as reincarnations of the goddess’s devotees, underscore the divine relationship we share with other living beings. However, a much deeper relation with nature is evident on the 2,100 hectare woodland near the temple which is regarded sacred. Called 'Oran' or 'Devbani' in local parlance, it is one of the several sacred groves spread over 1 lakh hectare of Rajasthan which are protected by the local communities.

Orans are dedicated to one or more deities worshipped by the community and this ancient tradition of incorporating sacred with common benefits played a vital role in sustaining the pastoral culture and economy in the state. At Deshnoke, villagers are following the orders of Mata Karni Devi. Thousands of jhadberis (shrubs bearing berries) dot the area as cattle of the whole village graze freely. “The goddess had special affection for cows and this town was established by her. Nobody was allowed to till this land and it has since been preserved for grazing of livestock,” says Giriraj Singh Barath, the head of Karni Mata Trust, which manages the Oran. Hunting of animals, cutting of trees and even beating a bush to collect the berries are prohibited. Only wood for the purpose of cremation can be sourced from the Oran.

According to a legend, when some trees had to be cut for laying down a railway line through the Oran, the erstwhile ruler of Bikaner paid Rs 100 per tree into the temple account as compensation. As many as eight guards have been employed by the Trust to check any violation of this code of conduct. Since the Trust runs through donations at the temple, community participation is absolute. The sacred status of Orans also keeps it virtually free of encroachments. “The fear of divine repercussions is very strong. Also, the local community keeps a strong vigil and Oran is one biodiversity resource which is never neglected,” says Manohar Lal Sharma, who runs a tea stall near the temple.

With the town population growing to 30,000, a need to maximise the benefits from Oran has been felt. Around 500 hectare of area was enclosed two years ago and seeds of sevan grass were sown which is now ready for consumption of cattle. There is a plan to develop rest of the area on similar lines. A tubewell has also been set up to provide drinking water to cattle. During the annual fair of 'Navratras', thousands of pilgrims from far and wide visit the town and a parikarma of the whole 36 km perimeter of the Oran is undertaken. “It is believed that conducting this parikarma is equivalent to pilgrimage of Badrinath dham,” informs Barath.

Reverence over superstition

Unlike Deshnoke, the 100 hectare Oran at Hema village in Jaisalmer district is not managed by any organisation. Dedicated to goddess Jiya Desar, a small unpretentious temple sits on the embankment of a beautiful pond overlooking the whole expanse. Several native trees including ber, khejri and jhaal grow undisturbed as the locals feel cutting them invites wrath of the goddess. In the official records, the Oran at Hema village is classified as revenue wasteland and hence the administration allotted a piece of this land to a landless farmer a few years ago. However, the allottee gave an undertaking that he would like to donate this land in the name of the deity because cultivating it would have meant cutting of trees.
“One of the tales famous here is of a farmer who cut the trees here to make a plough 20 years ago. Soon, his family members started getting ill. He had to return the wood and seek mercy at the temple,” says Chattar Singh, who has been working with the local communities to revive traditional water harvesting methods. Though technologically-advanced would scoff at it as another tale of superstition, reverence more than fear makes the Orans in Rajasthan successful. And this reverence is not illogical. “In these sacred groves all over the State, you notice the abundance of native trees. These traditional species are worshipped all over Rajasthan since besides their various dietary benefits, they can withstand wild temperature extremes of the desert and hence are lifeline of the area,” says Jagdish Purohit of the Society for Promotion of Wastelands Development.

The most revered of these trees is Khejri (Prosopis cineraria), a frost-resistant, drought-resistant species which can withstand wild temperature extremes and arid conditions of the region. It is a nitrogen fixer, thus improving soil quality for other plants. With a taproot that can extend more than 100 feet deep and an extensive root mass, the tree also helps stabilise the sandy desert soil and shifting sand dunes. In addition, it generates highly nutritive fodder for the livestock while its bark, pods and leaves are also used to prepare traditional medicines. This is the reason why local communities still narrate the sacrifice made by Amrita Devi and over 350 others at Jalnadi village (now Khejarli) of Jodhpur. The year was 1730 when the Maharaja of Jodhpur wanted to build a new palace and required wood for it. When his men came to Jalnadi to fell Khejri trees, Amrita Devi rushed out and hugged the first tree. She was killed on the spot but her death motivated others to prevent the felling of trees. More than 350 lost their lives in a single day. When the king heard of this, he apologised and banned cutting of a Khejri tree.
That faith strengthens community is well known but its role in nature conservation gets more evident as one visits these Orans or Devbanis.

Paint it saffron

Driving down the hilly roads of Jharol block in Udaipur district, Rajasthan, chances are you will miss Upli Sigri. Surrounded by dense forest, it is a small village with 185 tribal families spread sporadically around the hills. This nondescript village, however, draws a lot of unwanted attention because of its rich teak wood forest spread over 60 hectare. A 10 feet log of teak can fetch maximum of Rs 1,200, a handsome amount for the locals who are mostly engaged in small scale farming and livestock rearing. This is why protection of forest is a big issue here and the one which has led to several conflicts.
“At one time, the forest was very dense but with increase in population and access to big markets in Udaipur and Ahmedabad, there was indiscriminate cutting of trees. Outsiders stripped the forest of its big trees with support from a few local villagers over the years. This also resulted in decline in fodder production and we were forced to spare our own farmlands to grow fodder grass or procure it from the market,” recalls a villager, Arjun Lal. Though the villagers tried to put up a united front against the cutting of trees, it always led to confrontations with outsiders. “In response to our opposition, residents of nearby Phalasia village banned our entry in their market, which is the only commercial centre of the area. We also had violent disputes with the residents of neighbouring Patia village,” informs Lal, who led a team of youngsters to stop felling of trees.

In 2002, when the villagers learned about the work being done by a non-profit organisation Foundation of Ecological Security (FES) in a neighbouring village, they saw a ray of hope. FES provided the technical support to villagers who approached the forest department for protection of the area under Joint Forest Management (JFM). Under JFM, village communities are entrusted with the protection and management of nearby forests. The areas concerned are usually degraded or deforested. A Village Forest Protection and Management Committee (VFPMC) was formed and the area was enclosed by a boundary wall. Entry of animals for open grazing was banned to ensure growth of saplings into trees. Villagers were allowed to cut the fodder by paying a nominal annual fee. Over the years, the forest regenerated itself due to complete ban on felling of trees, fresh plantations and water conservation through check dams and trenches. However, this improvement only led to the return of timber mafia.

Fearing the replay of past events, villagers started experimenting with various forms of protection.
“Firstly, rotational security system was implemented according to which all the families were involved in protection on turn basis. Popularly known as 'laathi system', a man goes to the forest with a laathi (stick) to check any intrusion. In the evening, he passes on the stick to the person who is meant to go the next day. However, there were a few families who were not willing to perform their duty and hence this arrangement had to be abandoned in favour of a forest guard,” explains Arvind  Baghora, a resident of Upli Sigri. The payment of forest guard was decided to be in kind with each family giving him five pullas (a bundle weighing 2-3 kg) of fodder grass but this system also did not work. Finally, the payment was made in cash from the fee collected for cutting of fodder.

However, despite the deployment of a guard, the illegal cutting of trees went on covertly. Another round of deliberations followed and the senior residents of the village offered a solution everybody knew would resolve the problem once and for all. A special prayer was held at nearby temple of Kesariya jee, a local deity revered by all tribes of the region. The villagers vowed that they won't cut the trees for next five years and kesar (saffron) from the temple was then scattered in the forest area symbolising divine protection. “It is believed that if somebody cuts a tree after such a ceremony, he suffers an immediate loss,” Arjun Lal informs. Such has been the impact of this step that for last two years, there has been no tree felling in the area. The relationship of villagers with neighbours has also improved since there is no confrontation over the forest now.

The guard has been relieved of his services and open grazing has been allowed in the area. “The trees have grown so dense that sunlight is unable reach the ground resulting in reduction of fodder grass. This is why, we have allowed open grazing. After the passage of five years, we may allow cutting of trees for personal use like construction of house in the village. But this will only be done after proper assessment of a person's need by the VFPMC,” Bhagora says. For now, Upli Sigri has turned into a perfect example of environment protection in context of traditional and cultural norms instead of just going by a rulebook dictated by the state.

This story was first published on GOI Monitor

India’s targeted transparency activists fight back

Mangla Ram at his home in Bamnor village. 

Mangla Ram walks slowly and stiffly thanks to the steel rods inserted in his limbs. A daily wage laborer until a year and half ago, he remains at home meeting occasional visitors. “My body is yet to regain its full strength. I am not sure if it ever will,” he said matter-of-factly. Mangla Ram, 34, personifies India’s struggle for transparency and accountability in governance. That he is in a traumatized state today also reflects the challenges faced by those who are spearheading this struggle. 

A resident of Bamnor village, located in India’s famous tourist state of Rajasthan, Mangla Ram’s story has traveled far and wide. On March 3, 2011, he was brutally beaten up after seeking information about development projects done in the village by using India’s transparency law, the Right To Information (RTI) Act 2005. Mangla Ram accused the sarpanch — an elected village representative — and his supporters for the attack since his efforts had revealed misappropriation of funds by them.

Though a report was duly registered by the police, no arrest was made of the sarpanch, supposedly due to his considerable political and religious clout. A special investigation by a team of government officials into the development projects done in the village found glaring wrongdoings and unaccounted money amounting to Rs 361,750 (US$ 6,554). In response, the Principal Secretary — one of the top government officials in this case —  passed orders to recover the unaccounted money and begin disciplinary proceedings against those found guilty, but no action has been taken yet. Regarding the attack, the police are still not ready to believe that the sarpanch was involved. “It was Mangla Ram who used filthy language against the sarpanch, whose supporters beat him up,” Santosh Chalke, the then-Superintendent of Police in Barmer, told me in an interview.

Mangla Ram’s story is not unique. That the present security set up has been found wanting when it comes to the protection of information seekers is evident from the fact that around a dozen cases of murder and several assaults against those seeking to use the RTI have been reported in the country since 2007. Accusations of blackmail and the registration of false cases are also routinely employed by vested interests to harass RTI users. Those living in rural areas, like Mangla Ram, are easier targets due to the close physical proximity to the accused and their remoteness from police, media and civil society groups.

So what are the various stakeholders involved in the transparency movement doing? The Central Information Commission (CIC), the highest appellate authority under the RTI Act, passed a resolution on September 13, 2011, that established the first institutional framework to provide protection to RTI applicants. According to the resolution, if the commission receives a complaint regarding an assault on or murder of an information-seeker, it will examine the pending RTI applications of the victim and order the departments to publish the requested information on their websites. The commission also resolved that it will take proactive steps to ascertain the status of investigations and prosecution of cases involving information-seekers and work to have these processes expedited. However, there has not been a single case for which this provision has been invoked.

The courts have also passed several orders directing governments to ensure protection for RTI users. On May 7, 2010, while hearing the murder case of RTI activist Satish Shetty, the Bombay High Court ordered the Maharashtra state government to immediately provide police protection to any person or organization that complains about the threat of the use of force or has been attacked for filing applications under the RTI Act. The High Court also directed the state government to set up provisions for the speedy investigation of cases of threats or attacks against activists and the creation of a monitoring system and a database of activists to aid in their protection, within 90 days. However, the order has not been implemented yet.

The states of Punjab and Haryana have come up with respective protection policies for RTI users after Advocate H. C. Arora moved a public interest litigation in the court.

Community action

RTI Anonymous, a group of citizens working through Get Up for Change, has been protecting RTI users by helping them file proxy applications that offer anonymity and the benefit of distance from the issue at hand.

Anybody willing to procure information from any public authority can submit an online request to RTI Anonymous, with his set of questions and details of the department from which the information needs to be sought. A volunteer expert helps draft the application which can then be submitted to the public authority by a volunteer based in India. The volunteers are generally based in cities distant from the location of the authority they are seeking information on so that the likelihood or gravity of possible threats that they may face is reduced. Once a reply is received, the documents are uploaded on the website which can then be downloaded by the original requester. The information is also made publicly available on the website, which helps decrease the level of threat since anybody can access the formerly concealed information. Though the group does receive requests through the mail, most of the people that seek RTI Anonymous’s help use their online platform. Its reach is limited, however, since Internet penetration in India is just 10 percent. Moreover, because of this limitation, their services are not really reaching those who need it the most: India’s rural and poor.

On this front, efforts of the Mahiti Adhikar Gujarat Pahel (MAGP) seems to fill the gap, even if only in a limited geographical area of Gujarat. MAGP has been running an RTI helpline since May 12, 2006, which gets around 1,400 calls per month. The helpline’s popularity has spread beyond the geographical boundaries of Gujarat state, which has recorded two of the most brazen fatal attacks, with calls also being registered from the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Chattisgarh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh. Besides offering guidance about procedures to access information under the RTI Act, the helpline also assists those RTI users who face victimization from vested interests.

The helpline follows a set of procedure not only to verify the authenticity of the caller but also to ensure quick action by the security agencies. “Adequate caution is taken and the caller is asked to file a complaint with the local police station as soon as possible,” explains Pankti Jog, who manages the helpline. “His complaint is also recorded over the phone and a letter from MAGP is faxed to the local police station and higher administrative officers of the area. In addition, we try to contact these officials over the telephone seeking immediate protection for the user.”

The State Information Commission is also actively involved in building pressure on the authorities. In fact, in some emergency cases, the commission is approached immediately after a call is received for swift action. A good case in point is that of Michael Martin and Bhanu Parmar. While they were inspecting records and the supply of medicines at a primary health center — after getting permission under the RTI Act — they had to lock themselves in a room to avoid assault by an angry mob. From the room, they called upon the area Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), but after not receiving a positive response, got in touch with the MAGP helpline. The helpline staff recorded, transcribed and forwarded their complaint to the State Information Commission. The staff also called upon the area DSP and local police officers. After an hour, a police team arrived and the inspection was completed under police protection. Based on the written complaint of Martin and Parmar, three people from the clinic, including the medical officer were arrested. The case of corruption against the medical officer is pending with the state health commission.

Bhadresh Vamja ensured regular ration in his village. 

Another case is that of Bhadresh Vamja, a 19-year-old college student, who also got MAGP’s assistance after a shopkeeper threatened him. Vamja was investigating the lack of food through the public distribution system (PDS) — an Indian food security system under which the government provides subsidized food grains, sugar and kerosene to citizens — in his village which had led to inquiry by higher authorities. Despite family pressure to withdraw the complaint after being threatened, the teenager contacted MAGP’s helpline. “My complaint was recorded and faxed to the area DSP’s office, who was also contacted over the phone. Late in the evening of the same day, I got a call from the person in charge of the nearby police station offering protection,” said Vamja. The shopkeeper was also called to the police station and put in writing that he would not threaten Vamja again. Subsequent action by MAGP led to the state’s Food, Civil Supplies and Consumer Affairs Department directing all the fair price shop licensees to proactively disclose ration supply information. “We believe proactive disclosure under which government itself releases the information related to public works can go a long way in ensuring safety of citizens. Since the data will be freely available, nobody would need to file RTI applications and face subsequent threats,” said Harinesh Pandya, a member trustee of MAGP. “The RTI Act has a provision for proactive disclosures but it’s not being properly followed.”

Informal community groups have also acted as a deterrent against threats to RTI users. For example, Babu Ram Chauhan, a school teacher in the Ramgarh village in Rajasthan, took on a financially powerful lobby, but when the threats came he had plenty of community support to ward off any opposition.

Baburam Chauhan showing RTI documents. 

Chauhan’s village is the last settlement where the water from Indira Gandhi Nahar Pariyojana, one of the biggest canal projects in India, is used to irrigate fields and bring greenery to the desert area. The land around the canal is allocated to landless farmers at subsidized rates. However, the land mafia has gained a foothold in the area, which has led to many deserving farmers not being awarded their titles. Chauhan has been using the RTI Act to get the illegal occupations or encroachments removed and he involved the community in his work from the very first day. Around 200 villagers awaiting land allotment contributed money to support Chauhan’s effort. He also trained them in how to file RTI applications and scrutinize the details.

The offenders felt threatened and tried to thwart the movement by complaining to the administrative officials, accusing Chauhan of being a spy helping neighboring Pakistan procure maps of the canal area through the RTI Act. The allegations were found to be baseless. During these inquiries, villagers came out in full support of Chauhan. The movement was further strengthened in July 2010 when 30 villagers were allotted land based on information accessed using the RTI Act.

Disappointed by the failure of their plan, the land mafia started threatening Chauhan with dire consequences if he went ahead with his work against the illegal occupation of land. Chauhan acted promptly and submitted an application to the Superintendent of Police seeking “on-call security” from the administration. In the application, he named the prime suspect who was asked to sign a statement that he and his supporters would not harm Chauhan. Due to his consistent efforts, the Colonization Commissioner has now accepted the fact that 17,380 hectares of land is vacant and that eligible applicants have not been given their due share.

“The transparency movement in India was initiated by daily wage laborers, who wanted records about their work to be made public. These are the people living on the margins of our society,” said Kamal Tak of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan, a nonprofit which first called for transparency legislation in the 1990s. “In that sense, it’s a law which emerged from the grassroots and that’s where we need to look to solve present-day issues. Civil society groups, courts and administration need to chip in but they will never be able to provide as quick, strong and long-term a support as the local community can.”

This write up was first published at Waging Nonviolence